Kosovo as a Serbian province : “Nobody has the right to beat you”
When Europeans today discuss the collapse of Yugoslavia they tend to forget that the revolts, the protests and the essential political decisions, which resulted in the breakup of this multinational state, originate from Kosovo.
In the early eighties there were riots and demonstrations in Kosovo because the Albanians, who inhabited the province (about 90%), claimed the status of a republic in Yugoslavia. Kosovo never obtained this status which would have justified a later independence according to the decisions of the Badinter Arbitration Committee in 1992. Certainly the province acquired extensive autonomy within the scope of the new Yugoslav constitution of 1974. This included linguistic and cultural freedoms. Within the administration field the Albanians of Kosovo were the main workforce. Most of the police officers were Albanians, but within the Communist Party of Kosovo, the Serbs continued to be represented by the majority and this was especially the case among the party-leaders.
When the new Serbian party leader Slobodan Milosevic went into Kosovo in 1989 the Serbs staged a demonstration. They pelted Albanian police officers with stones and later demanded from Milosevic that he would react to the methods of the Albanian police, who behaved rigorously in their eyes. The famous statement of Milosevic – “nobody has the right to beat you” – was the driving force for a policy of Serbian dominance in Kosovo and Yugoslavia. Within a few months Kosovo and the second autonomous province of Vojvodina were deprived of every kind of autonomy and were directly administered from Belgrade. Within Kosovo, Serbs who had been loyal to Milosevic, were promoted to party-leaders, while leading Kosovo-Albanians were excluded from the party-top and left the party entirely.

- Milosevic in Kosovo in 1989
On the other hand the developments in Kosovo prepared the ground for other Yugoslav republics’ fear of Serbian dominance. Consequently, the declarations of independence of Slovenia and Croatia, and later also of Bosnia and Macedonia, were made. While the world was observing the bloody wars in Croatia and Bosnia, Kosovo’s situation was forgotten. In Kosovo the Serbian minority at that time established an apartheid regime that was supported by Serbia’s Communist Party and the Yugoslav People’s Army. Albanian was neither permitted as the official language, nor were Albanians allowed to occupy important positions within administration, science or the judiciary. Often it was rather impossible for Albanian children to attend school. At the same time the UCK and the Kosovo Liberation Army were united by the common goal of Kosovo’s complete independence.
NATO at war in Kosovo and the UN Resolution 1244
When the Yugoslav People’s Army violently attacked the UCK in 1998 and employed the same methods that were used in Bosnia and Croatia, i.e. robbery, rape, dislodging and homicide, the world could no longer ignore it. After several unsuccessful rounds of negotiations NATO decided to intervene without a UN resolution, which had been blocked by Russia. The present debates on “humanitarian interventions” can for one thing be traced back to the decision of NATO in 1999.
Within several weeks NATO bombed Serbian targets in Kosovo and all over Serbia. The actions of NATO did not come to a stop until Milosevic agreed to withdraw all Serbian military units from Kosovo and place the province under the international community’s military and administrative control. Hereafter, the United Nations Security Council adopted the resolution 1244 that is the basis of the United Nations’ Mission in Kosovo. Resolution 1244 defined Kosovo as an established part of Serbia that was administered by the UN and guarded by NATO troops. Today this resolution poses the biggest problem for those who argue for Kosovo to be independent of Serbia, because Kosovo belongs to Serbia according to international law.
Nevertheless Kosovo developed entirely independent of Belgrade after the NATO intervention : New institutions were founded, elections were held, the euro was introduced as a currency, an independent administration of Kosovo along with a police force and a small army were established. These measures, which were supported by the international community, were totally rejected by the remaining Serbian minority. Even the elections of 2007 were close to a total boycott of the Serbian minority.
Kosovo and Pristina negotiate - without a Finnish miracle
Several years after the NATO intervention the search for a political solution to Kosovo began. It was obvious that the UN was going to play an essential role in these matters. The former Finnish president and Balkans expert Martti Ahtisaari was appointed as the United Nations special envoy with the task of finding a political solution to the future status of Kosovo.
In this connection the international community imposed a number of essential conditions on the negotiations. Firstly Kosovo was not allowed to join another state. Secondly it was laid down that the international community would not tolerate a return to the situation before 1998.

- Martti Ahtisaari could not find any solution in spite of two-year-long negotiations.
In spite of negotiations lasting two years and the rapprochement concerning some decisive questions such as the protection of minorities, the Kosovo-Albanians and the Serbian government could not reach an agreement. The opposed views were clear. In general the Serbs were ready to offer Kosovo extensive autonomy, but certainly on the terms that Kosovo continued to be a part of Serbia. They were envoking resolution 1244 and its definition of the status of Kosovo. Furthermore they referred to Kosovo’s importance to Serbian history and culture. In the minds of Serbs the Battle of Kosovo in 1389 is a reference to national identity.
The Kosovo-Albanians demanded nothing less than a complete independence from Belgrade. This included the possible membership of international organizations and an independent army.
On 19 February 2007 Ahtisaari presented his report on a solution to the question. The report was not based on any agreement between the conflicting parties, but instead on Ahtisaari’s assesment of the situation. The well-known report mentioned important questions such as Kosovo membership to international organizations, but did not mention independence. According to the report the international community would uphold a massive presence and opportunities of influence in Kosovo. Furthermore, the Serbian minority of Kosovo was to obtain extensive rights of autonomy. The report was accepted by the Albanian delegation, but the Serbian government rejected it categorically since the status of Kosovo suggested in the report was comparable to the independence of Kosovo.
Because the members of the United Nations Security Council could not agree on the Ahtisaari report - Russia argued that a solution could not be accepted without the agreement of Serbia - further negotiations were outlined. However, the negotiations did not take place under the auspices of Ahtisaari. Instead, the so-called troika, consisting of representatives of the EU, the USA and Russia, were mediating.

- The USA, Russia and the EU :
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Representatives of the troika could not bring agreement to the parties.
When the last round of negotiations between the troika and the conflicting parties failed in November 2007 in Baden in Austria, it was obvious to everybody that Belgrade and Pristina were not going to find any common solution. The views of the parties were too opposed. According to Wolfgang Ischinger, the representative of the EU, the mediators had tried everything : He could not see a solution to the conflict.
What is going to happen after 10 December 2007 ?
10 December 2007 the three representatives of the troika are briefing the UN on the status of the negotiations. The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council will then decide on the future. Several scenarios are plausible after 10 December 2007 :
1. „Frozen Conflict scenario“
The international community decides not to negotiate any more, and further steps concerning a solution to the conflict are not taken. The consequence could be a frozen conflict just like the one you find in Moldavia and Georgia today. This step would paralyse the whole region. The EU would lose more than anybody else. It would be impossible for the EU to take over the mission of the United Nations.
2. Kosovo declares its unilateral independence
It is more likely that Kosovo will declare its independence unilaterally. The USA and the majority of European states have already stated that they would recognize a claim of independence. Above all this statement would have legal consequences, since the resolution 1244 would not be valid. But the resolution would not be replaced by a new one. Again this will be a problem for the EU, if the EU is going to accept the successor of UNMIK. Furthermore this one-sided statement would be a problem for all the states that have stationed troops in Kosovo under the resolution 1244 (above all, those states who are not members of NATO), because they would have to withdraw all troops immediately after the declaration of independence. Once more this would aggravate the safety circumstances and result in further problems. Furthermore Kosovo would not become a member of the United Nations, since Russia would block this measure. Nevertheless Kosovo could apply for a membership of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund – and also the Council of Europe and the EU.
3. Kosovo declares independence and the North of Kosovo declares its secession to remain as a part of Serbia
This scenario would be possible, perhaps also unlikely. The so-called double independence : Firstly the one of Kosovo, secondly the areas of the North that are inhabited by the Serbs. This was also discussed by the troika. Nevertheless all parties have in September ruled out a division of Kosovo. The international community also rejects a division of Kosovo. This scenario would have fundamental consequences for the Albanian minority in Macedonia and for the Serbian Republika Srpska in Bosnia. This would result in new ethnic conflicts for the whole region.
4. The independence of Kosovo will be a fact and the report of Ahtisaari will be implemented
Given the various announcements of Kosovo-Albanians that they will declare their independence after 10 December 2007, this solution appears to be the most likely of them all. Even the daily paper “Balkan Times” (almost “Belgrade-loyal”) supported this idea in late November writing : “Back to Plan A”.
5. Kosovo remains a part of Serbia
This solution appears to be the most unlikely of them all. Firstly, the Kosovo-Albanians have on several occasions expressed their readiness to proclaim their independence unilaterally. Secondly, Belgrade or the region – let alone the EU – cannot let this conflict of the last decade continue. As it has already been mentioned, Kosovo has in the meantime developed its own administrative structures. It would require more than minor ajustments, if Kosovo were to adapt its structures to the Serbian system.
Whatever the future prospects of Kosovo may be, the European Union will be playing an essential role. In the long run Belgrade and Pristina will negotiate jointly in the EU. In the short run the conflict seems to be a final struggle for power in the aftermath of the collapse of Yugoslavia.












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